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罗得岛州法官?有谁知道美国宪法的原文

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有谁知道美国宪法的原文

  THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA  March 4, 1789  Preamble  We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.  Article I  Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.  Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.  No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen.  Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.  When vacancies happen in the Representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.  The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.  Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.  No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen.  The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.  The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.  The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.  Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.  Section 4. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.  The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.Section 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide.  Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.  Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.  Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.  Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.  No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House d

什么叫部分裁决

通常是只惩罚性判决。 一般认为,损害赔偿的基本性质在于补偿。因此,我国法院依据此类法律作出的判决,可以视为惩罚性损害赔偿判决。在涉外案件中,这种惩罚性损害赔偿判决可能需要在国外执行,从而不可避免产生判决的域外承认与执行问题。另一方面,在司法实践中,我国法院也有可能被请求承认与执行外国的惩罚性损害赔偿判决。对此,我国在立法和司法层面究竟应当采取何种立场? 我国有关判决承认与执行的现行法律规定,并未明确排除承认与执行外国惩罚性损害赔偿判决。一般而言,如果外国判决不违反我国法律的基本原则,或者不危害我国国家主权、安全和社会公共利益的,人民法院就可裁定承认其效力,发出执行令。这里便使人产生疑问:外国惩罚性损害赔偿判决是否违反我国法律的基本原则?在我国民事法律当中业已存在惩罚性损害赔偿规定的情况下,我们是否还能把外国惩罚性损害赔偿判决视为刑事判决而拒绝承认与执行?这些问题,迫切需要在我国的立法与司法实践中得到回答。目前,作为海牙国际私法会议的成员国,我国有关部门也正在积极参与有关民商事管辖权和判决承认与执行海牙公约的起草工作。藉此契机,我们应对我国有关承认与执行外国判决的法律规定予以重新审视,弥补其中不足之处,使之臻于完善。本文无意对上述问题给出明确答案,期待大家对此进行更为深入的讨论。如果回答对您有用,请及时采纳。

eagle state是美国哪个州

Eagle state出自美剧《绝望主妇》,是主角们生活的虚构州,在现实不存在。

Eagle state在剧中的设定,包括锦绣镇和紫藤巷街道,这是该系列主要活动的舞台,在现实中美国是没有这样一个州的。

虽然它是一个虚构的州,但剧里人物经常谈到的Eagle state,指的是美国其他确实真实的州,例如在第8季的法庭上,法官椅子后面有一个印章,日期为1876年,因此据信鹰之州成立于1876年,也就是美国建国100年后。而科罗拉多州也成立于1876年,州旗也出现在法庭上的印章左侧,国旗以纯深蓝色背景为特色,中央是国家印章,因此Eagle state可能是科罗拉多州。

现实里美国存在的州

虽然Eagle state不存在,但现实中美国有另外50个州,分别如下:

阿拉巴马州、阿拉斯加州、亚利桑那州、阿肯色州、加利福尼亚州、科罗拉多州、康涅狄格州、特拉华州、佛罗里达州、佐治亚州、夏威夷州、爱达荷州、伊利诺伊州、印第安纳州、艾奥瓦州。

堪萨斯州、肯塔基州、路易斯安那州、缅因州、马里兰州、马萨诸塞州、密歇根州、明尼苏达州、密西西比州、密苏里州、蒙大拿州、内布拉斯加州、内华达州、新罕布什尔州、新泽西州、新墨西哥州、纽约州、北卡罗来纳州、北达科他州、俄亥俄州。

俄克拉何马州、俄勒冈州、宾夕法尼亚州、罗得岛州、南卡罗来纳州、南达科他州、田纳西州、得克萨斯州、犹他州、佛蒙特州、弗吉尼亚州、华盛顿州、西弗吉尼亚州、威斯康星州、怀俄明州。

法官卡普里奥审案视频哪里可以看

B站。法官卡普里奥审案视频在B站可以看。弗兰克·卡普里奥(FrankCaprio),美国罗得岛州普罗维登斯市政法院首席法官。弗兰克·卡普里奥小时候家境贫穷,父亲是水果商贩,意大利移民。弗兰克从小就要一边上学一边打工补贴家用,后来在父亲的建议下考取了法学院,当了检察官。为了让民众更直观地了解司法机构,也为了吸引更多年轻人投身到法律行业,晚年的弗兰克参加了美国ABC电视台的一档法庭直播节目——《CaughtInProvidence》,之后走红网络。

高分求<有追加>:为什么埃德蒙·伯克认为法国大革命是一个可怕的错误

十八世纪的八十年代是一个今人兴奋而又焦虑不安的时期。启蒙主义运动的影响和美国革命的实践,似乎向欧洲的知识分子表明,一个他们翘首盼望的以自由民主为标志的新时代即将到来,这是一个历史性的时刻。法国大革命的爆发无异于证实了这个时代的到来,然而它并未给欢呼的知识分子带来他们向往的一切。不错,革命的确推翻了一个专制王朝,但它也同时带来了社会的动荡、血腥的屠杀和前所未有的集权与专制。一个十分今人震惊的现象是,一大批狂热追求自己理想的法国知识分子,却把自己送上了革命的断头台。这种任何智者在事先都不曾预见的历史现象,理所当然地在知识分子当中掀起了轩然大波,并使其中的很大一部分人,由支持革命变成了反对革命。 对法国大革命的总体评价至今仍是学术界一个争论不休的问题,但对法国大革命反思乃至攻击所产生的思想成果,却是无人能够否认的。毋庸讳言,这是一股保守主义的思潮。其代表人物有迈斯特尔、博纳尔及著名的埃德蒙.伯克等人。随著时光的流逝,其他人的言论己逐渐被人们淡忘,只有伯克的观点成为现代西方思想的主要财富之一。 伯克认为:“法国革命是迄今为止世界上所发生的所有事件中最今人震惊的事。”虽然他支持北美独立战争,谴责英国在印度的暴行,但却不喜欢革命,因为法国革命破坏了他所了解的关于人类本性和政治的常识。在1790年出版的《法国革命感想录》中,他阐述了他的政治学观点。他十分尖刻地指出,启蒙运动通过其对人的简单抽象的概念,建立一个完美无缺的社会秩序的乌托邦式的要求,最终把法国引向了一场灾难。它把人类的虚妄称为理智,把人类一些最重要的历史智慧,如宗教、传统及人与人之间的具体联系通通抛弃,而代之以人权之类的抽象口号,结果导致了不信上帝的人们互相屠杀。由此,伯克在很简单地回答了当时困惑著人们的一个普遍的问题:即一大群本是追求光明与理想的人们为什么会在转瞬之间变得如此冷酷无情? 伯克的答案是,因为他们抛交了传统,抛弈了人类世代集体智慧的结晶,他说:“你们将看到,从《大宪章》到权利宣言,我国政制的一贯政策是提倡和维护我们的自由权,把它们看我作我们祖先给我们传下来的并将由我们传给后代的遗产,把它们看作特别属于这个王国的人民的财产,而不必以任何其他更普遍或更优先的权利为依据。由于这个缘故,我国的政制虽然在其各个部分之间有着非常巨大的差别,但它却保持着协调一致。……“我认为这种政策是深思热虑的结果;或者更确切地说,这是顺乎自然的美妙的结果,因为自然是不需要思索而又超越思索之上的智慧。革新的精神一般是自私心理和狭隘见识的产物。……”(i)也许,其中最重要的一点是,“用继承的眼光来看待我们的自由”。人类的权利不是来自学者们形而上学的假设,而是来自传统与经验。而这一点,恰恰是启蒙学者们所忽视的。 伯克认为,无论是英国还是法国的革命者,他们都抛弃了传统,认为这不过是一堆破旧的废物,因此,他们毫无顾忌地在传统的基础下埋设一个即将爆炸的地雷。在一次巨大的爆炸中,所有人类获致的东西,所有的先例,所有的宪章,所有的议会法令,都会化为灰烬。他们有“人权”,反对者肯定是瞎眼的;他们不承认调和与妥协,任何与他们的全面要求有所保留的事物,对他们而言那是丑恶与非正义的。结果只能是摧毁一切,他们的人权没有留下政府来保证其行政持续性的安全、正义和仁慈……”2伯克由此指出,启蒙运动最大的虚妄在于对民主的幻想,事实上,民主已由法国革命的事实证明,它必然导致暴政,结果是对社会的毁灭。 伯克认为,政府是人类智慧为了满足人需要而建立的一种聪明的设置,这种设置不仅要满足人类的需要,而且必须控制群众疯狂的热情以及他们的意愿。要做到这一点,显然只能通过群众自身之外的权力机构才行,靠民主来解决这一问题是不可能的。就此而言,人们应该意识到,他们对自己意愿的约束,对自由的控制,并不是社会对他们的压制,而是他们自己享受的权利。人们形成现存的政治社会并不是先知的设计,而是经验、历史与宗教的产物。换言之,人首先是宗教的产物,其次是历史的产物,空洞的自由民主只能是学者的想象,只能导致混乱而并无实质性的帮助。因此,伯克坚决反对“民众的意愿就是对的”这一假设前提,他认为这只是一种推卸政治责任的方法。如他当选,他将会按照自己的判断对国家的利益负责,而不管这些看法是否同选民的意愿一致。他指出,议员并不是以选民为师去向他们学习法律和政治的。他还以雄辩的方式证明,任何严肃的政治家,必定具有他认为什么才是正确的政策的想法,公开宣布他的想法,由此而寻求实施其政策的手段。法国大革命的实践,使伯克怀疑一切理性和形而上学的论断,乃至对单凭理性的决断产生了某种恐慌感。他担心完全置于个人理智审度下的社会生活,因为每个人的理性能力是有限的,多数人的理性之和也未必一定正确,而这恰好是民主的基础,如果多人的判断失误,所造成的灾难也就是可以想象的了。由此可见,伯克极力反对民主的前提是建立在人性不完备的基础之上的。因此,他既不反对人权,也不反对社会变革,只是反对那种按多数人的狂热决定办事的危险倾向,希望在继承人类作为一个类别在世世代代积累下的智慧的基础上,建立一个有秩序的有等级的宽容的社会。 伯克特别讨厌那些一刻不停,跳来跳去的政治社会发明家,他们毫无耐心去思考或寻找他们祖先的智慧,就急急忙忙地试图按照他们的发明把整个社会推倒重建,似乎人类诞生以来,只有他们才是第一个会思考的人。正因为他努力地捍卫传统来对抗抽象的人权和民主,他曾被形容成为“权威的卫士”,也正因为如此,尽管伯克的思想是深刻的,但从总体上看,他却是在与那个时代的潮流作对。正如阿克顿勋爵后来承认的,革命“教会人民把自己的愿望和要求看作是衡量自己权利的最高标准。”④除此之外,很多知识分子虽然认为伯克的话有道理,但仍然希望,革命能在摧毁旧的一切后,自然而然地建立起一个美好的政府与社会。这是一种纯洁的,可以理解的想法:大多数知识分子在此之前并未体验过真正的大众民主,也很难完全相信民主就是法国式的鲜血与恐怖。他们希望通过自己的努力奋斗,创造一个真正理想的民主共和国,这成为1830年,尤其1848年革命的主要思想基础

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